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Jacques Philippe Roi de Villere, 1761-1830

1761 Born near present day Kenner on a concession La Providence of the 1720s-1730s on the Chim de la Metairie or the German Coast somewhere in St. John the Baptist Parish. His father is Joseph Roi de Villere, Naval Secretary of Louisiana under Louis XV and one of the victims of O’Reilly. His paternal grandfather Etienne Roi de Villere had accompanied Iberville on the voyage to the colony. His mother is Louise Marguerite de la Chaise, grandaughter of the Chevalier d’Arensbourg. 1774 Joined the French army at age of 13 with the help of a cousin, Captain de Villars. 1775-1776 Formal education in France is at the expense of Louis XVI, due to his father’ death at the hands of O’Reilly. 1776 Assigned by French army to Saint Domingue as a first lieutenant of the artillery. 1778 While on leave visiting his family in New Orleans, Villere is detained for several years by the Spanish government of Louisiana. 1784 Finally takes the oath of allegiance to Spain and marries Jeanne Henriette de Fazende whose father Gabriel Fazende owns a plantation seven miles downriver from New Orleans. 1803 December - Secures a seat on the municipal council of New Orleans during the short French rule. 1804 Appointed a Major General in the territorial militia, a police juror in Orleans Parish and a Justice of the Peace for St. Bernard Parish. 1812 Becomes a delegate to Louisiana’s first constitutional convention. William C. C. Claiborne is elected the state’s first governor as Creole forces are divided between Villere and Jean d’Estrehan. 1815 January - Commands the first Division of the Louisiana Militia as the British Army approaches New Orleans. Assigned to the area near Lake Borgne and Bayou Dupre. In the battle of New Orleans the Villere Plantation , Conseil located downriver from the city, is overrun by the British Army. His home is destroyed and he loses 52 slaves, which the British take aboard their ships to be freed later. 1816-1820 July 1 Becomes the first native governor of the state of Louisiana, narrowly defeating Joshua Lewis.

December 17 - As he takes office Louisiana is enjoying a period of prosperity. His administration deals mostly with mediation between the American and Creole populations, and very little involvement with the legislature. 1816-1820 December 17 As he takes office Louisiana is enjoying a period of prosperity. His administration deals mostly with mediation between the American and Creole populations, and very little involvement with the legislature. 1816-1820 December 17 As he takes office Louisiana is enjoying a period of prosperity. His administration deals mostly with mediation between the American and Creole populations, and very little involvement with the legislature. 1824 Brought out of retirement to run again for the governors seat. He runs against Bernard Marigny for the Creole faction, dividing the Creole vote and allowing Henry S. Johnson to be elected. 1826 Villere’s wife dies. They have had eight children.

Villere is chosen to be a presidential elector from Louisiana for John Quincy Adams. 1830 March 7; Villere dies after a lengthy illness at Conseil Plantation in St. Bernard Plantation.


SOURCE MATERIAL - INFORMATION TO BE VERIFIED BY CHRISTOPHE GRANDSIRE

The Dreyfus Affair was a political scandal which divided France for many years during the late 19th century.

It centered on the 1894 treason conviction of Alfred Dreyfus, a Jewish artillery officer in the French army. Dreyfus was, in fact, innocent: the conviction rested on false documents, and when high-ranking officers realised this they attempted to cover up the mistakes. The writer Emile Zola exposed the affair to the general public in the literary newspaper L'Aurore (The Dawn) in a famous open letter to the Président de la République Félix Faure, titled J'accuse! (I Accuse!) on January 13, 1898. In the words of historian Barbara W. Tuchman, it was "one of the great commotions of history".

The Dreyfus Affair split France between the dreyfusards (those supporting Alfred Dreyfus) and the antidreyfusards (those against him). The quarrel was especially violent since it involved many issues then highly controversial in a heated political climate. To some extent, these divisions followed those between a right wing often supporting a return to monarchy and clericalism—the involvement of the Roman Catholic Church in public policy—and a left wing supporting the republic, often with violent anti-clerical feelings.

The virulence of the passions aroused by the case was due to anti-Semitism in France. This may have been due partly to the failure of the Union Générale—a Roman Catholic banking establishment which aimed at superseding Jewish finance—in 1885; it also may have been partly due to the publication of Edouard Drumont's book La France Juive in 1886.

However, the affair could not have had that much importance if France had been solidly or even mostly antisemitic. Indeed, Alfred Dreyfus had been admitted to France's highest schools, had been made an army officer, and had been given access to military secrets. It is doubtful that any of the above would have been possible in a solidly antisemitic country such as Czarist Russia. The controversy that ensued was made possible by a large share of the population not being antisemites and willing to fight for an innocent. The Dreyfus Affair bitterly divided the whole French society. Here, caricaturist depicts a fictional family dinner. At the top, somebody remarks "...Above all! let's not speak of the Dreyfus Affair!". At the bottom, the family is fighting and the caption reads "...They spoke of it..." The Dreyfus Affair bitterly divided the whole French society. Here, caricaturist Caran d'Ache depicts a fictional family dinner. At the top, somebody remarks "...Above all! let's not speak of the Dreyfus Affair!". At the bottom, the family is fighting and the caption reads "...They spoke of it..."

The case itself was more immediately the outcome of the continuous attack upon the presence of the Jews as officers in the French army, spearheaded by Drumont and others in the journal "La Libre Parole" (founded with the help of Jesuits in 1892). The articles of the "Libre Parole," which denounced French Jewish officers as being future traitors, led a Jewish captain of dragoons, Crémieu-Foa, to declare that he resented as a personal insult the slanderous assault made upon the body of Jewish officers. He fought a duel, first with Drumont, then with Lamase, under whose name the articles had appeared. It had been agreed that the report of the proceedings should not be made public. The brother of Crémieu-Foa, following the advice of Captain Esterhazy, one of the Jewish captain's seconds, communicated the information to the journal "Matin."

The Marquis de Morès, who had been chief second of Lamase and was a well-known anti-Semite and famous duellist, held Captain Mayer, chief second of Crémieu-Foa, responsible for the breach of confidentiality. Though innocent of the matter, Mayer accepted a challenge from the marquis. The duel was fought on June 23, the Jewish captain being mortally wounded at the first attack; he died a few days after the duel. Owing to the sensation that was caused by this event, the "Libre Parole" thought it wise to stop the campaign against the Jewish officers until further orders.

Dreyfus was pardoned in 1899, readmitted into the army, and made a knight in the Legion of Honour. The factions in the Dreyfus affair remained in place for decades afterwards. The far right remained a potent force, as did the moderate liberals. The liberal victory played an important role in pushing the far right to the fringes of French politics. It also pushed regulations such as the 1905 separation of Church and state. The coalitions of partisan anti-Dreyfusards remained together, but turned to other causes. Groups like Maurras' Action Française that were created during the affair continued for decades. The right-wing Vichy regime was composed mostly of old anti-Dreyfusards or their descendants. It is now universally agreed that Dreyfus was innocent, but his statues and monuments continue to be vandalised.

An Austrian Jewish journalist named Theodor Herzl was assigned to report on the trial and its aftermath. The injustice of the trial and the anti-Semitic passions it aroused in France and elsewhere turned him into a determined Zionist, ultimately turning the movement into an international one. Retrieved from "http://ib.frath.net/w/Special:Undelete"

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